Regime Change
Twenty years after the demise of communism, people feel that it is time for a real regime change
Every year on August 20th Hungary celebrates a national holiday marking the founding of the Hungarian state over one thousand years ago. This year was no exception and there were numerous activities throughout the day and the usual fireworks display in the evening.
What was also celebrated a day earlier, but on a more subdued note, was the twentieth anniversary of what is known as the pan-European picnic. On this day in 1989, leading politicians and other social leaders gathered with a large group of East Germans for a so-called picnic at the border separating the communist east from the capitalist west. In a planned move the barbed wire was cut and hundreds of East Germans fled to the west. For many this marked the beginning of the end of communism in Central and Eastern Europe.
Although this event was indeed a momentous occasion, it’s difficult nevertheless to mark a single event as the true beginning of the end to communism in Central and Eastern Europe. For one, countries throughout the former East Bloc all went through their political changes at different times and in different ways. The changes which swept throughout the region ranged from the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia to the violent overthrow of Ceausescu in Romania.
In Hungary finding a precise date to mark as the turning point is especially difficult since the change was so gradual that it seemed natural. Without a doubt the entire year of 1989 was pivotal. As a result, throughout this summer there have been many commemorations marking the various events of 20 years ago.
For many Hungarians, mid-June was seen as the most important for then the communist leadership sat down with the various leaders of the opposition in order to hammer out the details for a peaceful transition to democracy. Others regard early July as an important period for it was then that Janos Kadar, the last communist ruler of Hungary, died. His death marked the official passing of the old and the start of the new.
Aside from the pan-European picnic, which was planned to coincide just before Hungary’s national holiday, there was also the moment when Hungary had officially allowed all East Germans the right to exit the country westward. With this final breach in the edifice of communism, it was clearly just a matter of time when the wall in Berlin would be finally breached.
From goulash communism to goulash capitalism?
The ambiguity in Hungary as to when the walls began tumbling down is not merely an academic footnote to history, however. It’s something which affects the way in which people currently view not only the present, but the future as well.
Indeed, there are many who see that the root to most of the country’s present problems is that Hungarians have not weaned themselves entirely from the past. In other words, Hungarians must finally learn to give up goulash communism. Others, however, go a bit further and note that the goulash communism of the past had been replaced by a similarly unhealthy diet of goulash capitalism over the last two decades, and that it’s this swill which must now be thrown out onto the dust heap of history.
Regardless of the flavor of goulash that Hungarians have been exposed to for the past 20 years, for most the end result is more or less the same: there is a feeling that there wasn’t a real regime change in 1989. Thus, that what is needed now more than ever is a true regime change.
Most point to the fact that many of those who were in positions of power and influence in the past are still in powers of position and influence in the present albeit under a different name and circumstances. Hence, the commissars of yesterday have merely become the capitalists of today, with the begotten loot from plundered state assets split among them. In Hungary the record keeping of state assets was stopped in 1989. As a result, the general accounting office has admitted that a vast majority of state assets can’t be accounted for.
The fact that no-one has been held responsible for their actions during four decades of communism is another point of contention. Thousands were killed, imprisoned, or simply had their lives ruined by a regime which was just as bloody and repressive as the fascist regime which preceded it. This coupled with the fact that the state security apparatus remained intact during the so-called “transition to democracy” rubs salt in the wounds of many. This has convinced some that not only was a regime change lacking in Hungary 20 years ago, but that the entire process was meticulously planned by those astute enough to see the writing on the wall.
This is apparent in the fact that as early as 1986 the Hungarian government had approached the West German government for financial assistance in order to deal with the dire economic situation it was facing. The West German government was perceptive enough at the time to see the opportunity for gaining a certain amount of influence within the region. At the time Gorbachev had made his appearance on the political stage and some were already aware of which way the winds were blowing.
The past has caught up with the present and history has now come full circle
The economic problems which had plagued the country in the 1980s have now morphed into a major crisis. The privatization of state assets and so-called liberalization of Hungary’s internal markets had allowed for these endemic problems to be put into the background. Yet now, with nothing left to privatize or liberalize, Hungarians are now forced to confront once again the problems they had failed to solve in the past, only this time the task is much larger and there is little room to maneuver.
Along these lines, the calls for change are not unlike those of 20 years ago. In the same way that the economic problems of the past had been neglected and now need to be dealt with, some feel that a similar change is required – but on the political and social levels as well.
In retrospect, some are questioning as to how much was the desire for change in 1989 genuine. What is baffling to many historians is that while Hungarians appeared to yearn for change they were nevertheless still attached to the past. This was evident during the funeral for Kadar in where a massive crowd turned out to pay their last respects for the former communist dictator.
It’s perhaps safe to say that Hungarians at the time were not so interested in political or social change as much as economic change. The attraction of the west was not ideas of democracy or freedom but the goods and services on offer. During the 1970s and the 1980s Hungarians had become accustomed to a socio-political model in which corruption was rife at all levels. The authorities turned a blind eye allowing people to indulge in their materialistic passions as long as it wasn’t too extreme and, more importantly, as long as it kept them politically quiet. Bread and circus was the order of the day.
The promise of capitalism only encouraged this recklessness further, and if capitalism was attached to democracy then so be it. Unfortunately, it’s this reckless behavior which led many to live beyond their means and to take on loans that they could never repay. The global financial crisis of 2008 simply accelerated a process which was already well underway.
At this point it’s difficult to determine whether those who are calling for a regime change are truly interested in developing a genuine democracy in Hungary or are simply reacting to events much like 20 years ago. It’s now fashionable to point the fingers at the banks, and in many ways they are responsible for the present state of affairs. But so is the government who allowed such financial recklessness to occur and the general public as well who went along for the ride.
Attempts to find a way at easing the plight of those most affected by the present financial crisis also shows that not much has changed. The ideas of some that the authorities should take over the mortgages of those who can no longer pay reveal that the ghosts of the past have not been exorcised. People expect the state to help them, but they aren’t inclined to help the state. Even worse, they fail to realize that they, as individuals, make up the state.
In many ways, most countries within Central and Eastern Europe are going through the same, degenerative process. In Hungary, this process is perhaps more apparent than elsewhere. Even so, what is common to all is that societies throughout the region are crumbling and most don't realize that this is probably a good thing. As with any faulty structure, sometimes it's best to rebuild from the rubble.