The End of a Beginning
A rare "people's power" movement in Hungary has been unscrupulously hijacked by the political right
Despite local elections in Hungary which dealt a massive blow to the government of Ferenc Gyurcsany, those keen on genuine and progressive change in the country were themselves dealt a similar blow. Following the election results from Sunday, subsequent events saw the potential for change suddenly ripped from their hands.
For those who have been demonstrating in front of parliament for the past two weeks, the election results should have been some form consolation. In the highest turnout yet for local elections, the ruling government suffered a resounding defeat at the hands of the opposition. With the exception of Budapest and half a dozen other major towns and cities, power shifted from the left to the right.
Yet the demonstrations, which began as the result of a leaked audio tape of a speech in where the prime minister admitted to lying in order to stay in power, has nearly lost all meaning. This loss of meaning has been gradual and was already evident by the second day. Staged violence attempted to besmirch the protest as scenes of burning cars carried with them an ominous message to viewers. The image of a woman crying over her damaged vehicle and moaning that the loan on it was still not paid off was broadcast on several networks. As if this wasn't enough, television and radio stations reiterated that insurance policies don't cover for damage resulting from civil unrest.
In Hungary, the car not only represents status, but is a sense of identity and a cult symbol -- to the extent that a vehicle even takes precedence over human rights. The car is everything; a person is nothing. Moreover, it's something that many Hungarians are financially enslaved to. Thus, in a country where an object has attained such hallowed heights, the thought of it succumbing to seemingly random and senseless violence is a thought too much to bear.
While the fear and trepidation generated by the staged violence indubitably had an impact, with several planned demonstrations cancelled as a result, the essence of the anti-government protest nevertheless remained more or less intact. However, with the events of the past few days, even this has now been eroded.
As the political crisis in Hungary deepened following local elections on Sunday, the focus has veered away from constitutional reform, as called for by the protesters in the street, to the struggle for power between the governing Socialists and the main opposition party, the FIDESZ. In a speech immediately after the polling stations had closed, the president, Laszlo Solyom, delivered a scathing speech targeted at the government, the opposition, and even the police. He noted that the country was still in the midst of a serious crisis, that the protests were justified, and that the resolution to the crisis lay with the ruling coalition. At the same time, he made clear that the local elections were in no way a referendum on the government, as the opposition had claimed. Finally, in order to preempt any attempt by the police to break up the demonstration in front of parliament (which they had threatened to do once the election was over), the police were criticised for the way they have handled to situation thus far and emphasis was placed on respect for civil and human rights.
No-confidence vote
It goes without saying that many were critical of the president's speech. Some felt it too harsh, and others felt that it actually exacerbated the situation. Indeed, opponents have pointed out that the president himself has a skeleton in the closet, as he was elected to office under dubious circumstances. This maybe so, however it only reinforces the need for genuine constitutional reform.
Following this speech, and in a move that caught many off guard, the embattled prime minister announced the next day that he was tabling a motion of no-confidence for Friday, which would be a vote on both the reform measures his government has thus far introduced as well as his person. The FIDESZ leader, Viktor Orban, soon after countered with an ultimatum: the Socialists must introduce a constructive no-confidence motion against Gyurcsany within 72 hours.
In Hungary, there are two types of no-confidence votes possible against a government. The first, and basic one, is a simple no-confidence vote in where after a short debate parliament decides to either retain or withdraw its support for the government. In the case of the latter, new elections are then scheduled.
The second type of vote is the constructive no-confidence vote. If the government loses this type of vote then there isn't a new election. Instead, an alternative candidate for prime minister is selected by the ruling party so that a new government is quickly put in place. This is how Gyurcsany assumed power two years ago when he succeeded Peter Medgyessy in what many described as a palace coup.
The rationale for a constructive no-confidence motion as opposed to the basic no-confidence one is that it ensures a fairer vote. Since the Socialists are still reeling from their massive defeat on Sunday, they and their coalition partners are most unlikely to vote against Gyurcsany for fear of a new election, in which they would lose heavily. On the other hand, with a constructive no-confidence motion, some renegades within the ranks of the Socialists would vote against Gyurcsany knowing that their seat in parliament would still be secure. For this reason, the FIDESZ regards the basic no-confidence motion proposed by Gyurcsany as just another trick.
The problem for the demonstrators in front of parliament, however, is not what kind of vote will take place in parliament but the FIDESZ ultimatum, which invariably ends up tainting the protest with the brush of intolerance. Not only this, Orban has also called for a political rally to take place at the exact same spot where the demonstration is at present, creating the image that the FIDESZ and the protests are inexorably linked. With these moves the FIDESZ had destroyed any vestige of independence and objectivity the protests may have had left, and hijacked the protest movement for its own, narrow political motives.
In addition to all this, what is troubling is the way in which the FIDESZ has become so confrontational as of late. Much of this has to do with the egoistic and vainglorious character of Orban himself. He has shaped the party into a populist miasma of competing interests. His personal hold on power is such that he rules with an iron fist and is unable to gracefully concede defeat and make way for new blood, this despite losing twice to the Socialists in national elections. In many ways, he is much like Gyurcsany in terms of political arrogance, albeit he is more careful when he expresses himself in public.
A need for constitutional reform
Although the demonstration in front of parliament has been infiltrated with political elements from the right, namely the FIDESZ, there is a need for protesters to reject the attempt by Orban to make the demonstration synonymous with his short-term political objectives, and to try and salvage what little is left of its original spirit. This also involves decoupling the call for constitutional reform from the dissatisfaction over the government's austerity measures.
What had initially brought people out into the streets was not only the lies and manipulation of Gyurcsany and his government, but the realisation of how democracy in Hungary was badly in need of reform.
The present constitution is based on the 1949 constitution written up by the former communist regime. It should come as no surprise, therefore, that there is a lack of political balance. The party in power can rule as in a dictatorship; together with parliamentary immunity, the government can get away with all kinds of abuse. The president is a mere puppet; hence, unless there is a revolt from within the government itself, there are no constitutional mechanisms by which to rein in the government. Likewise, the laws regulating police conduct are foremost drawn from the 1950s, when Stalinism in Hungary was at its peak. Unfortunately, with the political changes of 1989 both the constitution and the laws regulating police conduct went through only minor revisions. What was needed then -- and can be seen lacking now -- is a fresh start.
Ultimately, the failure in Hungary to initiate genuine reform goes beyond the machinations of the political parties. The inability of labour to organise ensures that the political elite is able to ignore protest and calls for change. In essence, this is the secret to consumer capitalism: provide people with material goods they are afraid of losing and give them access to credit until they fall into a debt trap so they can't afford not to work. As the old song goes, freedom is another word for nothing left to lose.